Yahaya Bello, the EFCC and Nigeria’s Test of Political Accountability

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Nigeria now faces a revealing contradiction: Yahaya Bello is pursuing a return to elective politics while answering serious financial allegations in court. The issue is not whether accusation equals guilt. It does not. The harder question is whether electoral politics can move faster than accountability.

Bello, the former Kogi governor, secured the APC nomination for Kogi Central in May 2026 while facing two separate EFCC prosecutions. One involves a 16 count case alleging criminal breach of trust and money laundering involving ₦110.4 billion; another concerns 19 counts relating to alleged money laundering involving ₦80.2 billion. Bello has pleaded not guilty and denied the allegations.

That distinction matters. A charge is an allegation, not a verdict. The court must test evidence, hear the defence and determine guilt according to law. In June, the FCT High Court rejected Bello’s attempt to halt the ₦110.4 billion proceedings, ruling that it had jurisdiction and allowing the trial to continue. That ruling settled jurisdiction, not guilt.

But the case is no longer merely a courtroom story. It has become a test of Nigeria’s political architecture. A candidate may satisfy the formal requirements for an election while still carrying unresolved allegations of financial misconduct. The law may permit that distinction. Democracy must then decide what voters are entitled to know.

For the EFCC, the burden is equally severe. An anti corruption agency cannot afford either selective prosecution or trial by publicity. Its case must be built on admissible evidence, not headlines. Recent proceedings have included testimony and financial records concerning alleged property transactions, payments and movements of funds. Those claims remain matters for judicial determination.

For Bello, politics cannot become a substitute courtroom. Winning a party primary does not dispose of a criminal prosecution; neither does an accusation invalidate a person’s constitutional rights. The appropriate arena for determining criminal liability remains the court, where prosecution must prove its case and the defence can contest it.

This is why Nigeria needs a cleaner separation between political legitimacy and legal accountability. An electoral mandate is not an acquittal. A prosecution is not a conviction. The danger begins when either side is treated as if it were the other. That confusion weakens both democracy and justice.

The deeper question, therefore, is institutional. Can Nigeria construct a political system in which powerful politicians receive due process without immunity, while prosecutors pursue public money without political favour? Bello’s case cannot answer that question alone. But it exposes it with unusual clarity.

Nigeria should demand neither predetermined guilt nor convenient absolution. It should demand something harder: evidence, due process, transparent institutions and a final judicial resolution. If the EFCC has a case, it must prove it. If Bello has a defence, he must be heard. And if Nigeria wants public trust, neither political power nor prosecutorial power can be allowed to outrun the law.

– Inah Boniface Ocholi writes from Ayah – Igalamela/Odolu LGA, Kogi state.
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